Wednesday, October 30, 2019
Management of Long-Term Cardiorespiratory Symptoms Essay
Management of Long-Term Cardiorespiratory Symptoms - Essay Example Her daughter is concerned as Mary is breathless at rest, has a persistent cough and appears to have some ankle oedema. This first case study will deal with the nursing issues related to the management of this elderly, obese hypertensive patient with history of smoking. He is undergoing treatment for hypertension, and on this presentation, he is complaining of shortness of breath on minimal exertion. Like any other nursing management, an evaluation is necessary which would initiate the nursing process. The assessment would involve first taking a detailed history of this patient. Nursing assessment of the cardiovascular system includes a patient health history and physical examination. If the patient had been experiencing an acute problem, the focus should be on the most serious sign and symptom. In this case, the symptom is difficulty breathing on minimal exertion. It appears that this is new development over the baseline hypertension and obesity, and this has been continuing for quite some time. Since rest produces amelioration of this patient's symptoms of dyspnoea on exertion, it is highly probabl e that this new development in chronic in nature and is stable (Ahmed et al., 2004, 297-307). Therefore, a complete nursing assessment may be undertaken on presentation. In the second scenario, the patient has complicated lung disease, which has characteristic exacerbations and remissions. This patient is dependent on home care, and her condition has deteriorated due to development of congestive right heart failure secondary to her lung disease. The presence of heart failure is indicated by the history of persistent cough and ankle edema. Therefore, there is fluid retention, and the pump failure in the heart has led to accumulation of fluid in the lung leading to breathlessness and persistent cough. History The history is that of a person who is currently having a sedentary lifestyle and is perhaps not able to control body weight. He had symptoms of weakness, fatigue, shortness of breath on exertion. Although he had dyspnoea on exertion, he did not have dyspnoea at rest. However, fatigue and exhaustion continued throughout the day, and he had activity intolerance. There was a sense of chest pressure with activity, and he did not complain about insomnia. His personal history revealed little to no exercise, and he spent most of the day at home watching television. He is obese and is a heavy smoker. Obesity is associated with breathlessness on the simple level of reducing the capacity of the lungs to expand and increasing the workload of the organs. Specifically, obesity may decondition the heart, result in fatty infiltration of the myocardium and lead to altered filling pressures (Gustafsson et al., 2005, 58-64). A long history of hypertension is more closely associated with heart failure than a shorter history. In the second case, when assessing the patient with heart failure and breathlessness, especially if the pattern or severity of the breathlessness is changing, it is worth looking for factors that may be contributing to the problem. The most likely would be common problems such as chest infections and anaemia (Anand et al., 2005, 12-15). A chest infection can provoke heart failure due to increased haemodynamic demands or by the formation of pleural effusions. Anaemia
Sunday, October 27, 2019
The biological and learning perspectives
The biological and learning perspectives Aggression remains a substantial problem today. According to Berkowitz (1975) aggression can be defined as any behaviour which is intended to cause harm to another person whether physically or verbally. This investigation is an evaluation of the biological and learning perspectives of psychology accounting for the development of aggression in children. Aggression from the biological perspective is seen as an innate behaviour which is genetically transferred from the parents to their offspring. Supplementary biological factors which cause aggression are low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin, as well as certain brain structures such as the hypothalamus and amygdala, that when manipulated, may result in aggressive behaviour. When considering the learning perspective and environmental determinants of aggression in children there are key factors which play an essential role. The observations of others behaviour as demonstrated by Albert Bandura (1961) as well as the frustration aggression hypothesis suggested by Dollard (1939) have been found to be considerable factors in the development of aggression. Video games have also been identified as a contributing cause of aggression in children. This examination investigates the origins of childhood aggression and evaluates two differing perspectives, these being the biological and learning perspective, and collectively concludes that there are various factors which contribute to a child acting aggressively. However, a collective understanding and strong evaluation of both the biological and learning perspective has led to a stronger foundation of understanding childhood aggression. Therefore, to fully understand the origins of aggressive behaviour, both biological and environmental factors must be considered within their limited scope. This leads to the conclusion that there are multiple forces which lead a child to acting aggressively; hence biological and environmental factors which trigger aggression cannot be isolated. Word Count: 282 Contents Biological perspective v Evaluation of the biological perspective ix Learning perspective xi Evaluation of the learning perspective xv Conclusion xvii References xix Bibliography xxi Introduction There are many ways in which aggression can be defined. According to Berkowitz (1975) aggression is any behaviour which causes intentional harm to another person. There are many different forms of aggression which include verbal, physical and emotional behaviours that are apparent in some children. Studies conducted on children (ranging in age from approximately 3 to 15 years old) suggest that aggression develops in children based on their biological background or their environmental context. This essay is an evaluation of the biological perspective and learning perspective of psychology accounting for the development of aggression in children. This issue is worthy of investigation since aggression has become a substantial social problem amongst upcoming generations. Alarming news articles and reports focus on aggressive acts. Children and youth growing up all around the world are resorting to violence on a daily basis. It has always appealed to me to understand the basis of aggressive behaviour as I have seen this behaviour amongst most children and teenagers, as well as adults. It is my curiosity and eagerness to discover more about the development of aggression from two opposing views, these being the biological and learning, which have motivated me to undertake this research topic for my extended essay. This essay is aimed specifically to evaluate the importance of innate drives and the environmental determinants of aggressive behaviour. Biological perspective The biological perspective of psychology is based on the assumption that behaviour is biologically determined. In Weiten (2007) text, the biological perspective belief that is referred to is that all psychological issues stem from a physiological background. Therefore, aggression in children, according to the biological perspective, is considered to be an innate behaviour. Biological factors which trigger aggressive behaviour in children are inheritance, where aggression may be passed from the parents to their offspring, as well as low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin, and the activity of certain structures in the brain, that when manipulated may trigger aggressive behaviour. Many of the theories and case studies that have been put forward to support the hypothesis that aggression in children is biologically determined will be discussed in further detail. The biological perspective suggests that aggression in children is inherited through the traits of parents. Many theories have been driven by findings from research on animals, which highlight that there is some genetic aspect to aggression. Selective breeding has been one of the longest existing methods to find the existence of a phenotypic characteristic. In 1979 a Finnish psychologist, Kristi Lagerspetz, took the most aggressive mice from an assembly and mated them with other aggressive mice, and similarly the same applied for those non-aggressive mice. Lagerspetzs procedure was repeated over 26 generations of mice giving birth to their offspring (cited in Grivas.J, Carter.L 2005). The significant outcome of this experiment was that the mice that had been bred for aggressive tendencies demonstrated immense levels of aggression; where they instantly attacked other mice sharing the same cage. Mice that were not bred with aggressive mice did not act aggressively; when other mice atta cked them, they did not illustrate the tendency to retaliate. Lagerspetzs experiment can be criticised on the grounds that it cannot be conducted with humans because it is clearly unethical. A significant contribution of this selective breeding experiment is its illustration of a genetic basis of aggression and how it can be passed onto the offspring. These mice had a practical advantage over humans because these species have a short gestation period, which is essential as aggressive behaviour can be monitored over successive generations in a short period of time. The mice can have their behaviours observed in a lab, unlike humans. This is also a practical advantage as the mice were all kept in the same environmental conditions; hence their behaviour would not differ from one mouse to another because they shared the same environment. Arising from this experiment is the criticism of extrapolating results from animals to humans. Despite some similarity between humans and animals; there is still a large difference between them, therefore a direct link cannot be made between mice and children. Mice species have differing logic and reasoning capacities as compared to humans, hence mice do not facilitate the opportunity to choose to be aggressive or not, whereas children have the capability of logically choosing to act aggressively. On the other hand, more efficient methods of demonstrating that aggression in children is an inherited behaviour is emphasised by other research methodologies such as twin studies. Twin studies suggest that aggression in children is an inherited trait passed on from parents to their offspring. Twin studies are very useful for the reason that identical twins are monozygotic, and their genetic makeup is identical. Hence, all additional differences in their behaviour are accounted by their environment and experiences as an individual. In one study, conducted by Caspi (1998), data was collected from identical and non-identical twins following a questionnaire asking various personal and non-personal questions. The results indicated that aggressive behaviour was only partly inherited, and that environmental factors played an equally contributing role. However, according to Baron and Richardson (1994), the tendency to be aggressive is not passed on from the parents to the offspring; rather the temperament which is capable of making someone more or less aggressive can be inherited. This twin study is clearly indicative of the inheritance of aggressive behaviour, yet it cannot be claimed that inheritance is the only key factor which causes aggressive behaviour or the tendency to be aggressive in children. Over time research has also consistently indicated that low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin plays a central role in increased levels of aggression in children. In a study conducted at the National Institute of Mental Health (Bethasda MD), a positive correlation was found between low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin and the levels of aggression in children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (Mitsis.E et al, 2000). In another study conducted by Russian researchers, silver foxes were studied. It was found that those foxes which had been bred for over 30 years for domestic behaviour, showed no defensive reactions to humans because they had high levels of serotonin in various structures of the brain, compared to the foxes which had been bred without freedom (Popova et al, 1991). These studies clearly highlight the role which serotonin plays in causing aggressive behaviour amongst children; the lower the levels of serotonin the higher the level of aggression. Once again, this research could be criticised on the grounds that it is difficult to associate these findings to children as they are different beings. The above experiments are of considerable value as the foxes could be trained and kept over an extended period of time where their behaviour is closely observed, unlike humans who cannot be kept in such environments. Certain parts of the brain have been found to be responsible for the development of aggression in children. The structure of the hypothalamus and the amygdala located within the brain are a leading biological cause of aggressive behaviour. Both structures communicate with each other via electric signals. The hypothalamus and amygdala can be manipulated using electrical currents, and they may be switched on or off disabling their normal operation using an electrode. Bard (1934) investigated the effect of lesions on the levels of aggression in cats. Bard found that when parts of the cortex were removed from the cats, they displayed sham rage where the cats acted aggressively. He also found that when parts of the hypothalamus were removed the sham rage disappeared, clearly demonstrating that the manipulation of the hypothalamus and cortex plays a role in the development of aggression. Evaluation of the biological perspective The biological approach of explaining aggressive behaviour in children is very scientific and is consequently regarded as reliable. It is based on many experimental studies which are conducted in laboratory conditions in order to eliminate any environmental influences on the findings. However, the location of the experiments is not only a strength but also a potential weakness. The biological perspective involves low ecological validity where most studies are conducted within laboratory conditions. Experiments conducted in the laboratory will most certainly produce different results then in real-life situations as participants will not demonstrate the exact same behaviour in real-life situations as they will under examination. Thus, this weakness does not implicate that such laboratory experiments are invaluable; rather they are limited to generalisabilty. However, positive correlations between real life situations can be drawn, highlighting that laboratory studies are considerably u seful. The biological perspective can be criticised on the basis that aggression in children cannot be related to studies that have been conducted on animals. An argument stemming from this point is that it is not possible to apply animal findings to humans regardless of the similarities because they are different beings. Parallels between humans and animals may be oversimplified, and therefore social, as well as learning processes, must also be taken into consideration. The analysis of animal results from the biological perspective requires cautious interpretation. However, using animals to demonstrate the link between childhood aggression and biological factors is also beneficial. Studies such as the breeding of generations as conducted by Lagzerspetz and lesions on certain parts of the brain, conducted by Bard, are contributing factors in the development of aggression which cannot be conducted on humans because it will cause psychological and physical harm to the participants and most li kely result in death. Similarly, there is always some sort of connection that can be drawn between animals and humans, therefore using animals can be a starting point to understanding the biological bases of aggression in children. Another weakness of explaining the development of aggression in children from the biological perspective is the reductionist nature of the biological approach. This is one of the main weaknesses which the biological perspective incorporates. The biological perspective does not regard or take into the account the interaction of the mind and body with the environment, rather it only takes into consideration neurological processes. Environmental factors are also not placed into perspective. This is a downfall as complex human behaviours cannot always be explained on a genetic basis; the surrounding environment also plays a central role in influencing and triggering aggressive behaviours. One certain structure of the brain cannot be the only factor which is responsible for the development of aggression in children, because most structures of the brain are connected and their influence or triggering of behaviour cannot therefore be based in one specific area. Correspondingly, the findings of all studies conducted cannot be generalised to all children. These findings are applicable to a small sample and findings cannot be predicted to be the same for a different sample of children as all children are different. Yet, this can be a starting point to understanding the basis of aggressive behaviour. Learning perspective The learning perspective is established on the basis that although everyone is born with a genetic endowment which is the root of instinctual behaviours, the majority of behaviour is learnt from the environment. The underlying principle of this assumption suggests that aggression in children does not purely develop as a result of biological factors, rather it accounts for a very minor part. According to Bandura (1961) aggression can be learnt from the observation of other people and their aggressive behaviour. Aggression in children can also be learnt through the observation of frustrated people who surround them and frustration also triggers aggressive behaviour (Dollard 1939). Alarming articles and studies have revealed that violent video games are linked to aggressive behaviour amongst children. Firstly, a theory proposed to support the theory of aggression from the learning perspective is the frustration-aggression hypothesis which was proposed by John Dollard (1939). The frustration aggression theory suggests that frustration is the main factor which contributes to aggression. For example, when an individual is frustrated, in a certain situation, they will immediately display aggressive behaviour. According to this hypothesis, aggression will only occur due to frustration and no other particular factor. Also, according to Glassman (2000) the level of aggression demonstrated is purely dependant on how frustrated one may be. For instance when a child is prevented from taking a course of action or possessing something it is most likely believed that the child will become aggressive; occurring as a result of being frustrated. Barker et al (1941) further investigated frustration as a cause of aggression in young children. In their study, children were shown a roomful of attractive toys which were kept out of their reach. The children were kept away from the toys for a while before they were allowed to play with them. The controlled conditioned group of the children were allowed to immediately play with the toys. Similar to Dollards findings (1939), it was observed from this conducted study that the children who were frustrated because they had to wait before being exposed to the toys, played aggressively with the toys by smashing and stomping on them. On the other hand, the children who were allowed to play immediately with the toys handled them carefully and played happily. One social determinant of aggressive behaviour is Albert Banduras social learning theory (1961) which highlights the role of observation and its consequences on the aggressive behaviour in children from the learning perspective. Albert Bandura views most human behaviour as learned by observing a model or simply another person, which affects a childs view of how this new behaviour can be developed and how this new attained behaviour is a guide for their actions. This provides the basis of explaining aggressive behaviour in children from the learning perspective. Banduras (1961) most well known experiment was the Bobo doll experiment; the Bobo doll being a plastic clown doll. In this experiment Bandura examined the consequential actions of children observing an adult behaving aggressively with a Bobo doll. During the experiment he had children watching models acting aggressively towards a Bobo doll. They watched the video of the model constantly acting aggressively by sitting on the do ll, punching it and kicking it repeatedly. Bandura had other children watch a non aggressive model playing calmly with the Bobo doll. Once the children were exposed to such models, they were taken into another room where there were many toys amongst them the Bobo doll. The results from this experiment indicated that children, who were exposed to the aggressive model and observed their acts, imitated aggressive behaviour towards the Bobo doll. In contrast, the children who were exposed to the non-aggressive model showed no or very little aggressive behaviour. Albert Banduras Bobo Doll experiment highlights the role of observation in childrens learning. Children were the subject as they are less socially conditioned unlike adults. However, this experiment raises the possibility that children may have thought that this experiment was a game as a consequence of the Bobo doll having a spring which causes it to spring back immediately after being knocked down. A criticism of this research is that it is not ecological the children may have not acted aggressively towards any human in real life. Another potential weakness is the fact that the children may have not been exposed to the Bobo doll previously, hence they did not know how to play with it. A criticism of the social learning theory is also that it does not take into account the physical and mental changes which a child undergoes as they mature. Children at different ages may respond to laboratory experiments in different ways. Much like observation of others behaviours, violent video games and television shows have also been proven to trigger aggression in children. The learning perspective suggests that children who play violent video games such as Doom, Wolfenstein 3D or Mortal Combat and others often experience aggressive behaviour, either physically or verbally. Violent video games have a supplementary impact on young children and trigger aggressive behaviour more than violent television shows because they are more interactive, engaging the child in aggressive acts and ultimately rewarding them for acting aggressively within the game. Dr. Craig A. Anderson, Ph.D. (2000) states, This medium is potentially more dangerous than exposure to violent television and movies. Dr. Anderson of Iowa State University in Ames and his colleagues found that in the U.S and Japan, Japanese and American children who played violent video games demonstrated more aggressive behaviour months later compared to their peers who didnt. In Andersons study, 181 Japanese students aged between 12 and 15 years old and 364 U.S. children aged between 9 and12 years old were tested. The U.S and Japanese children named their favourite video games and how often they played. The children from both groups were later on asked to rate their level of aggression and reports from their teachers and peers were also taken into consideration. From the results it was found that the children from each group who were exposed to more violent video games were much more aggressive than those who were less exposed. Comparisons were made between their prior levels of aggression and how there was a dramatic rise in this level (Cited in BBC News, Video games Increase Aggression, Health Section, 2000). Violent video games can impact on childrens aggression levels, as children begin to believe that the world is a hostile place, and aggressive acts are an acceptable part of normal daily life. Presumably, constant and excessive exposure to v iolent video games causes children to become desensitized to violence. Once they have been engaged in aggressive acts it impacts on the children emotionally, and as a consequence these children find it much easier and acceptable to engage in violence and aggressive acts. A criticism of this study is that the cultural context of the children was not taken into account. Japan and the U.S are two differing cultures; hence what is deemed as aggressive in Japan may not be aggressive in the U.S and vice versa. Hence, it is difficult to compare the behaviour of these children whilst ignoring cultural factors. Leonard Berkowitz (1989) investigated the effect of pain and discomfort on individuals to demonstrate their likelihood of acting aggressively. He induced pain by placing the participants hands in cold or warm water while they distributed rewards and punishments to a partner. Berkowitz identified that those who had their hands placed in the cold water caused greater harm to their partner than those who had their hands immersed in warm water. This is sufficient to draw the conclusion that pain is a contributing factor to aggression. Evaluation of the learning perspective The learning perspective also incorporates strengths and weaknesses. Similar to the biological perspective of explaining aggressive behaviour in children, it is reductionist. It explains aggressive behaviour in terms of a characteristic which is being learnt although it does not deny the genetic endowment of aggressive behaviour. The learning perspective argues that aggressive behaviour is learnt through observation, and triggered by the surrounding environment and conditions. It simplifies the occurrence of certain behaviours, especially aggression, into a few steps. For instance, the problem of reduction is evident in Albert Banduras study of the Bobo doll whereby aggressive behaviour is reduced to the process of imitation. Thus, it has overlooked other leading causes of the development of aggression including the childrens upbringing and home environment. Children were varied therefore some children may have been brought up in a violent home and exposed to many aggressive situatio ns. This may have affected the way they acted in the laboratory and the ultimate results of the experiment. It was also assumed that all biological influences such as levels of serotonin are identical for each participant. The frustration aggression hypothesis supported by Dollard (1939) is an inefficient method of demonstrating how childhood aggression develops as in some cases, such as learned helplessness, frustration may not lead to aggression; rather it may lead to depression. Therefore, frustration is not the only key factor which contributes to aggressive behaviour: there are other sources which may lead to this same outcome. The learning perspective also denies some very important mental processes which also result in the development of aggression in children. This perspective does not take into account how certain brain structures may trigger aggressive behaviour, in other words it does not take into account neurological processes, and rather it simply accounts for the influences of daily life and the environmental context which a person is brought up in. The learning perspective does not incorporate any biological or cognitive processes which are also responsible for the development of aggression. Nevertheless, the learning perspective focuses on the environment and the condition in which a child is situated to produce an aggressive response. It has many practical applications which have been effective in explaining the development of aggressive behaviour. It clearly highlights how certain behaviours, particularly aggression, can be learned by the observation of others. The learning perspective also has a low ecological validity, whereby the children who were engaging in the experiment may have acted differently in the laboratory than what they would have in a real life situation. To be specific, Albert Banduras Bobo doll experiment can be criticised on the grounds that the childrens aggression was measured away from their natural environment. However, if such experiments are conducted in a more realistic manner, then the results would be more beneficial in terms of understanding how aggressive behaviour in children develops. Conclusion This essay was specifically an evaluation of the biological and learning perspectives of psychology accounting for the development of aggression in children. Having considered the interpretations of the development of aggression in children from both the biological and learning perspective, and the criticisms which arise from the research conducted, it can be concluded that both the biological and learning perspectives contribute to the development of aggression in children. In terms of the biological perspective, aggression is viewed as purely being based on biological basis. It is regarded as highly reliable since it is based on science. However, the learning perspective views aggression as being unrelated to genes, rather aggression is learnt. The learning perspectives social learning theory is a useful explanation for the aggressive behaviour of children. It not only applies to direct experiences such as being disciplined by parents, but rather at all times such as when watching television. The frustration-aggression hypothesis has a weaker stance, because frustration does not always induce aggression, rather it may encourage retaliation. This hypothesis suggests that frustration accounts for all aggressive acts. For this reason it is not completely justified, because there are more determinants of aggressive behaviour. Both the biological perspective and learning perspective are based on evidence and practical studies which have been conducted. However, the learning perspective views aggression in children as having some sort of biological basis, yet through experience and reinforcement aggression becomes learned and evident amongst children. For instance, the role of the parent is paramount in using the biological factors of the child to mould the child and guide them through their development. If a childs genes are inclined to be aggressive, the parent within the environment will attempt to nurture and accommodate for their childs genes by attempting to provide a calm lifestyle. Parents may also choose to put their child in a hobby that is sports oriented to cater for the aggressive levels in order to use their energy in a positive way, where they stimulate thinking and reasoning skills preventing the child from resorting to aggressive acts. From this it is clearly evident that both the biologica l perspective and learning perspective account for and contribute to the development of aggression in children as it is difficult to isolate the contributing factors. It is clear that innate biological factors may be present in a child; however the environment sets the limits on how to behave and deal with social influences that influence a child to act aggressively. Understanding the underlying factors which contribute to aggressive behaviour will form the basis of combating the levels of violence all around the world where children, youth and adolescents often resort to violence. Through further investigation, the effect of cognitive and mental processes may now be evaluated to determine their influence on childhood aggression which will lead to educational programs being implemented in schools and for the general society. References Books Baron. R.A Richardson. D.C (1994). Human Aggression (2nd ed.). Plenum Publishing. Berkowitz, L. (1975). A survey of Social Psychology. Hillsdale, IL: Dryden Press Dollard, J. D. (1939). Frustration and Aggression. New Haven CN: Yale University Press. Glassman, W. (2000). Approaches to Psyhcology (2nd ed.). Philadelphia: Open University Press. Grivas.J, Carter. L. (2005). Psychology for the VCE Student (4th ed.). Australia: John Wiley Sons. Weiten, W. (2007). Psychology: Themes and Variations (7th ed.). Thomson Wadsworth. Articles Anne, H. (2009). Violent video games linked to child aggression. Retrieved July 18, 2009, from CNN, Health Section: http://www.cnn.com/2008/HEALTH/family/11/03/healthmag.violent.video.kids/index.html Video games Increase Aggression. (23rd April 2000). Retrieved July 5th, 2009, from BBC NEWS, Health Section: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/720707.stm Journals Barker, R. Dembo,T, and Lewin K. (1941). Frustration and aggression: An experiment with young children. University of Iowa Studies in Child Welfare, 18, 1-314. Berkowitz, L. (1989). Frustration-aggression hypothesis: Examination and reformulation. Psychological Bulletin, 106, 59-73. Caspi, A. Plomin, R., Corley, A, Fulker, D.W, DeFries, J.C. (1998). Adoption results for self-reported personality. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 211-218 Bandura, A, Ross, D. and Ross, S.A (1961). Transmission of aggression through imitation of aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575-582 Bard,P. (1934). On emotional expression after decortication, with some remarks on certain theoretical views. Psychological Review 41:309-329 and 424-449. Mitsis, Effie M,Ã Hampering. J.Ã M and Newcorn. J.H. (2000). Serotonin and aggression in children. Current Psychiatry Reports Journal, Volume 2, Number 2, (1535-1645). Popova N, Voitenko N, Kulikov A, Avgustinovich D (1991). Evidence for the involvement of central serotonin in mechanism of domestication of silver foxes. Pharmacol Biochem Behav.; 40:751-756
Friday, October 25, 2019
Comparing O Briens The Things They Carried and Ninhs The Sorrow of W
Comparing O' Brien's The Things They Carried and Ninh's The Sorrow of Warà à à à à Bao Ninh's The Sorrow of War is a contrapuntal reading to American literature on the Vietnam War. But rather than stand in stark contrast to Tim O' Brien's The Things They Carried, The Sorrow of War is strangely similar, yet different at the same time. From a post-colonialist standpoint, one must take in account both works to get an accurate image of the war. The Sorrow of War is an excellent counterpoint because it is truthful. Tim O' Brien writes: ". . . you can tell a true war story by its absolute and uncompromising allegiance to obscenity and evil." (O' Brien, 42) Bao Ninh succeeds in this respect. And it was for this reason that the Vietnamese government initially banned The Sorrow of War. A thorough textual and historical examination of both the war and post-war experience of Vietnam reveals that its experience was similar to, if not worse than, that of America. One of the more remarkable counterpoints of Kien/Boa Ninh's war experience is his view of American soldiers. For him, they were horrific, powerful, and inhuman. To American soldiers, the war was a journey into a strange world where snipers hid behind every bush. North Vietnamese soldiers had already fought for fifteen years and seen the country ripped apart. Now they were to go up against hundreds of thousands of fresh troops from the world's technological superpower. A little more frightening. This historical aspect is reflected in the text. For Bao Ninh, the enemy was not always a man that could only kill other men. "The diamond-shaped grass clearing was piled high with bodies killed by helicopter gunships. Broken bodies, bodies blown apart, bodies vaporized." (Ninh, 5) How... ...sided fashion, one in which we have no sorrow for the "communists." But what we see is that Vietnamese soldiers were not fighting for communism, they were fighting because the government ordered them to. "The ones who loved war were not the young men but the others like the politicians, middle-aged men with fat bellies and short legs." (75) Repeatedly The Sorrow of War reveals the deep suffering of Vietnam. One can not say, however, that American soldiers returned unscathed. The most important thing we see when we read the two aforementioned works is not the differences, but the similarities. War is hellish and unnatural for both sides. In the aftermath, our common humanity becomes evident in universal suffering. à Works Cited: Ninh, Bao The Sorrow of WarNew York: Riverhead Books 1993 O'Brien, Tim The Things They Carried New York: Penguin Books 1990
Thursday, October 24, 2019
A Dirty Job Chapter 7
7 THANATOAST While Charlie's Beta Male imagination may have often turned him toward timidity and even paranoia, when it came to accepting the unacceptable it served him like Kevlar toilet paper ââ¬â bulletproof, if a tad disagreeable in application. The inability to believe the unbelievable would not be his downfall. Charlie Asher would never be a bug splattered on the smoky windscreen of dull imagination. He knew that all the things that had happened to him in the last day were outside of the limits of possibility for most people, and since his only corroborating witness was a man who believed himself to be the Emperor of San Francisco, Charlie knew he would never be able to convince anyone that he had been pursued and attacked by giant foulmouthed ravens and then declared the tour guide to the undiscovered country by a sultry oracle in fuck-me pumps. Not even Jane would give him that kind of quarter. Only one person would have, could have, and for the ten-thousandth time he felt Rachel's absence collapsing in his chest like a miniature black hole. Thus, Sophie became his co-conspirator. The tiny kid, dressed in Elmo overalls and baby Doc Martens (courtesy of Aunt Jane), was propped up in her car seat on the breakfast bar next to the goldfish bowl. (Charlie had bought her six big goldfish about the time she'd started to notice moving objects. A girl needs pets. He'd named them after TV lawyers. Currently Matlock was tracking Perry Mason, trying to eat a long strand of fish doo that was trailing out of Perry's poop chute.) Sophie was starting to show some of her mother's dark hair, and if Charlie saw it right, the same expression of bemused affection toward him (plus a drool slick). ââ¬Å"So I am Death,â⬠Charlie said as he tried to construct a tuna-fish sandwich. ââ¬Å"Daddy is Death, sweetie.â⬠He checked the toast, not trusting the pop-up mechanism because the toaster people sometimes just liked to fuck with you. ââ¬Å"Death,â⬠Charlie said as the can opener slipped and he barked his bandaged hand on the counter. ââ¬Å"Dammit!â⬠Sophie gurgled and let loose a happy baby burble, which Charlie took to mean Do tell, Daddy? Please go on, pray tell. ââ¬Å"I can't even leave the house for fear of someone dropping dead at my feet. I'm Death, honey. Sure, you laugh now, but you'll never get into a good preschool with a father who puts people down for their dirt nap.â⬠Sophie blew a spit bubble of sympathy. Charlie popped the toast up manually. It was a little rare, but if he pushed it down again it would burn, unless he watched it every second and popped it up manually again. So now he'd probably be infected with some rare and debilitating undercooked toast pathogen. Mad toast disease! Fucking toaster people. ââ¬Å"This is the toast of Death, young lady.â⬠He showed her the toast. ââ¬Å"Death's toast.â⬠He put the toast on the counter and went back to attacking the tuna can. ââ¬Å"Maybe she was speaking figuratively? I mean, maybe the redhead just meant that I was, you know, deadly boring.â⬠Of course that didn't really explain all the other weird stuff that had been happening. ââ¬Å"You think?â⬠he asked Sophie. He looked for an answer and the kid was wearing that Rachelesque smart-ass grin (minus teeth). She was enjoying his torment, and strangely enough, he felt better knowing that. The can opener slipped again, spurting tuna juice on his shirt and sending his toast scooting to the floor, and now there was fuzz on it. Fuzz on his toast! Fuzz on the toast of Death. What the hell good was it to be the Lord of the Underworld if there was fuzz on your underdone toast. ââ¬Å"Fuck!â⬠He snatched the toast from the floor and sent it sailing by Sophie into the living room. The baby followed it with her eyes, then looked back at her father with a delighted squeal, as if saying, Do it again, Daddy. Do it again! Charlie picked her up out of the car seat and held her tight, smelling her sour-sweet baby smell, his tears squeezing out onto her overalls. He could do this if Rachel was here, but he couldn't, he wouldn't, without her. He just wouldn't go out. That was the solution. The only way to keep the people of San Francisco safe was to stay in his apartment. So for the next four days he stayed in the apartment with Sophie, sending Mrs. Ling from upstairs out for groceries. (And he was accumulating a fairly large collection of vegetables for which he had no name nor any idea of how to prepare, as Mrs. Ling, regardless of what he put on the list, always did her shopping in the markets of Chinatown.) And after two days, when a new name appeared on the message pad next to his bed, Charlie responded by hiding the message pad under the phone book in a kitchen drawer. It was on day five that he saw the shadow of a raven against the roof entrance of the building across the street. At first he wasn't sure whether it was a giant raven, or just a normal-sized raven projecting a shadow, but when he realized that it was noon and any normal shadow would be cast straight down, the tiny raven of denial vanished in a wisp. He pulled the blinds on that side of the apartment and sat in the locked bedroom with Sophie, a box of Pampers, a basket of produce, a six-pack each of baby formula and orange soda, and hid out until the phone rang. ââ¬Å"What do you think you're doing?â⬠said a very deep man's voice on the other end of the line. ââ¬Å"Are you insane?â⬠Charlie was taken aback; from the caller ID, he'd expected a wrong number. ââ¬Å"I'm eating this thing I think is either a melon or a squash.â⬠He looked at the green thing, which tasted like a melon but looked more like a squash, with spikes. (Mrs. Ling had called it ââ¬Å"shut-up-and-eat-it-good-for-you.â⬠) The man said, ââ¬Å"You're screwing up. You have a job to do. Do what the book says or everything that means anything to you will be taken away. I mean it.â⬠ââ¬Å"What book? Who is this?â⬠Charlie asked. He thought the voice sounded familiar, and it immediately sent him into alarm mode for some reason. ââ¬Å"I can't tell you that, I'm sorry,â⬠said the man. ââ¬Å"I really am.â⬠ââ¬Å"I've got caller ID, you nit. I know where you're calling from.â⬠ââ¬Å"Oops,â⬠said the man. ââ¬Å"You should have thought of that. What kind of ominous power of darkness do you think you are if you don't even block caller ID?â⬠The little readout on the phone said Fresh Music and a number. Charlie called the number back but no one answered. He ran to the kitchen, dug the phone book out of the drawer, and looked up Fresh Music. It was a record store off upper Market in the Castro district. The phone rang again and he grabbed the handset off the counter so violently he nearly chipped a tooth in answering. ââ¬Å"You merciless bastard!â⬠Charlie screamed into the phone. ââ¬Å"Do you have any idea what I've been going through, you heartless monster!â⬠ââ¬Å"Well, fuck you, Asher!â⬠Lily said. ââ¬Å"Just because I'm a kid doesn't mean I don't have feelings.â⬠And she hung up. Charlie called back. ââ¬Å"Asher's Secondhand,â⬠Lily answered, ââ¬Å"family-owned by bourgeoisie douche waffles for over thirty years.â⬠ââ¬Å"Lily, I'm sorry, I thought you were someone else. What did you call about?â⬠ââ¬Å"Moi?â⬠Lily said. ââ¬Å"Je me fous de ta gueule, espce de gaufre de douche.â⬠ââ¬Å"Lily, stop speaking French. I said I was sorry.â⬠ââ¬Å"There's a cop down here to see you,â⬠she said. Charlie had Sophie strapped to his chest like a terrorist baby bomb when he came down the back steps. She had just gotten to the point where she could hold up her head, so he had strapped her in face-out so she could look around. The way her arms and legs waved around as Charlie walked, she looked as if she was skydiving and using a skinny nerd as a parachute. The cop stood at the counter opposite Lily, looking like a cognac ad in an Italian-cut double-breasted suit in indigo raw silk with a buff linen shirt and yellow tie. He was about fifty, Hispanic, lean, with sharp facial features and the aspect of a predatory bird. His hair was combed straight back and the gray streaks at the temples made it appear that he was moving toward you even when he stood still. ââ¬Å"Inspector Alphonse Rivera,â⬠the cop said, extending his hand. ââ¬Å"Thanks for coming down. The young lady said you were working last Monday night.â⬠Monday. The day he'd battled the ravens back in the alley, the day the pale redhead had come into the store. ââ¬Å"You don't have to tell him anything, Asher,â⬠Lily said, obviously renewing her loyalty in spite of his douche wafflosity. ââ¬Å"Thanks, Lily, why don't you take a break and go see how things are going in the abyss.â⬠She grumbled, then got something out of the drawer under the register, presumably her cigarettes, and retreated out the back door. ââ¬Å"Why isn't that kid in school?â⬠Rivera asked. ââ¬Å"She's special,â⬠Charlie said. ââ¬Å"You know, homeschooled.â⬠ââ¬Å"That what makes her so cheerful?â⬠ââ¬Å"She's studying the Existentialists this month. Asked for a study day last week to kill an Arab on the beach.â⬠Rivera smiled and Charlie relaxed a little. He produced a photograph from his breast pocket and held it out to Charlie. Sophie made as if to grab it. The photograph was of an older gentleman in his Sunday best standing on the steps of a church. Charlie recognized the Cathedral of Sts. Peter and Paul, which was just a few blocks away on Washington Square. ââ¬Å"Did you see this man Monday night? He was wearing a charcoal overcoat and a hat that night.â⬠ââ¬Å"No, I'm sorry. I didn't,â⬠Charlie said. And he hadn't. ââ¬Å"I was here in the store until about ten. We had a few customers, but not this fellow.â⬠ââ¬Å"Are you sure? His name is James O'Malley. He isn't well. Cancer. His wife said he went out for a walk about dusk Monday night and he never came back.â⬠ââ¬Å"No, I'm sorry,â⬠Charlie said. ââ¬Å"Did you ask the cable-car operator?â⬠ââ¬Å"Already talked to the guys working this line that night. We think he may have collapsed somewhere and we haven't found him. It doesn't look good after this long.â⬠Charlie nodded, trying to look thoughtful. He was so relieved that the cop wasn't here about anything connected with him that he was almost giddy. ââ¬Å"Maybe you should ask the Emperor ââ¬â you know him, right? He sees more of the nooks and crannies of the city than most of us.â⬠Rivera cringed at the mention of the Emperor, but then relaxed into another smile. ââ¬Å"That's a good idea, Mr. Asher. I'll see if I can track him down.â⬠He handed Charlie a card. ââ¬Å"If you remember anything, give me a call, would you?â⬠ââ¬Å"I will. Uh, Inspector,â⬠Charlie said, and Rivera paused a few steps from the counter, ââ¬Å"isn't this sort of a routine case for an inspector to be investigating?â⬠ââ¬Å"Yes, normally uniform personnel would handle something like this, but it may relate to something else I'm working on, so you get me instead.â⬠ââ¬Å"Oh, okay,â⬠Charlie said. ââ¬Å"Beautiful suit, by the way. Couldn't help noticing. It's my business.â⬠ââ¬Å"Thanks,â⬠Rivera said, looking at his sleeves, a little wistful. ââ¬Å"I had a short run of good fortune a while back.â⬠ââ¬Å"Good for you,â⬠Charlie said. ââ¬Å"It passed,â⬠Rivera said. ââ¬Å"Cute baby. You two take care, huh?â⬠And he was out the door. Charlie turned to go back upstairs and nearly ran into Lily. She had her arms crossed under the ââ¬Å"Hell Is Other Peopleâ⬠logo on her T-shirt and was looking even more judgmental than usual. ââ¬Å"So, Asher, you have something you want to tell me?â⬠ââ¬Å"Lily, I don't have time for ââ¬â ââ¬Å" She held out the silver cigarette case that the redhead had given him. It was still glowing red. Sophie was reaching for it. ââ¬Å"What?â⬠Charlie said. Could Lily see it? Was she picking up on the weird glow? Lily opened the case and pushed it into Charlie's face. ââ¬Å"Read the engraving.â⬠James O'Malley, read the ornate script. Charlie took a step back. ââ¬Å"Lily, I can't ââ¬â I don't know anything about that old man. Look, I have to get Mrs. Ling to watch Sophie and get over to the Castro. I'll explain later, okay? I promise.â⬠She thought about it for a second, staring at him accusingly, like she'd caught him feeding Froot Loops to her bte noire, and then relented. ââ¬Å"Go,â⬠she said.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019
Data Based Question
During the eighteenth century in Manchester, life was inhospitable, sullen, and difficult. Bodily and factory waste was strewn upon the streets, children were working In dangerous conditions, and factories overcrowded Manchester. Due to all the toxic fumes and disgusting street waste, people were getting sick. Families had to have their children go to work instead of school because money was hard to come by. Due to the increase in population in Manchester during the eighteenth century, many issues such as environmental health, wealth, and a population boom occurred in the social and political environments.She describes how magnificent things came out of hard, torturous labor. This document shows how awful the industrial revolution was at the time, but how ultimately, great things came out of it. Over time, working conditions improved in the Industrial Revolution. (William Abram, journal article,10) ââ¬Å"The condition of the factory laborers has been vastly improved within the last quarter of a centuryâ⬠¦ Reduced to ten hours a dayâ⬠¦ Wages-thanks mainly to accelerated machinery and improved working conditions-have largely increasedâ⬠¦Sickness and mortality have been reduced to an extent that is almost incredible. â⬠This document shows the different points of views from different journalists. In the previous documents depicted, the Journalists have written about how awful life was in the Industrial Revolution, however this Journalist wrote from a positive point of view; unbiased. This document expresses the idea that positive things eventually emerged from the dark despair of the Industrial Revolution. Due to the Industrial Revolution, a population boom occurred. W. H. Thomas, History of Manchester,l) The first map shows about one sixth of Manchester under development. The second shows Just about all of Manchester covered in areas of development, railroads, and canals. This relates to my thesis by showing how the growth of laboring factories affected Manchester in the eighteenth century. â⬠Manchester, the Workshop of the Worldâ⬠¦ Seat of commerce and manufacture, which it has recently attained and for which it is distinguished beyond any other town in the British Dominions or indeed the world. (Whelan and Co. , document 9) This comment is relevant to my thesis because it states how the ââ¬Å"Workshop of the Worldâ⬠boomed and excelled because of the population and growth of industries in Due to the increase of population in Manchester during the eighteenth century, many reactions such as environmental health, wealth, and a population boom occurred in the social and political environments, but ultimately the industrial revolution lead to many great things for the world that changed history forever.The Industrial Revolution is significant to our history because it lead to many new improvements for the world even though negative things such as poor health, child contemplated the idea of unifying the states. Due to the past wars and issues, the nations of Europe dealt with great conflict among one another regarding communism, trading, and alliance with distant countries. The people and countries of Europe were battered and broken from the war and great caution was taken among them all in fear of more strife and damage. Some nations were in favor of unity and others were opposed to the idea of unifying the nations of Europe.
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